March 22, 2002
Alabama Coal Giant Is Sued
Over 3 Killings in Colombia
IRMINGHAM, Ala.,
March 19 — Decades ago, Alabama's mining companies had more than
their share of battles with the mine workers' union. In one
confrontation, the National Guard shot a pro-union minister to death
in 1921.
In recent years, however, Alabama coal fields have
been peaceful.
Now the state's largest mining business, the
Drummond Company, has been accused of encouraging the assassination of
three union leaders at its giant coal mine in Colombia. In a federal
lawsuit filed here last week, a union in Colombia and the families of
the dead leaders assert that Drummond's Colombian managers signaled
paramilitary gunmen that they wanted the officials killed.
Unions from Colombia have filed suits against
Drummond and a handful of other American companies doing business in
that country, hoping to create legal and public pressure to stop the
assassinations. In the last decade, more than 1,500 union officials
have been killed in Colombia, where leftist guerrillas are battling
the government and business.
"We have evidence that the paramilitaries who
killed the three union leaders were in fact working for
Drummond," said Terry Collingsworth, president of the
International Labor Rights Fund, a Washington advocacy group that has
worked with the United Steelworkers of America in suing Drummond.
"We believe a lot of American companies are, in
essence, taking advantage of a bad situation in Colombia, where union
leaders can be assassinated with impunity," Mr. Collingsworth
said.
The lawsuit states that the director of the Colombia
mine made veiled threats to the union's leaders, warning at one point
that a fish dies from opening his mouth.
One human rights expert said the plaintiffs would
have a hard time tying Drummond officials to the killings.
Mike Tracy, a Drummond spokesman, denied that the
company had anything to do with the killings.
"We're not involved with the paramilitaries in
these types of activities," Mr. Tracy said. "We really feel
for these victims. Our sympathy goes out to their families."
In Birmingham, reaction to the lawsuit has been
disbelief. The Drummond family, which has built a company with more
than $700 million in annual sales, is business royalty in a city that
has been the South's steel and coal capital for more than a century.
"I'd be utterly amazed if there was any
complicity by any Drummond executives," said Charles Haynes, an
engineering professor at the University of Alabama who is a friend of
the Drummond family's.
Garry Neil Drummond, the company's chief executive,
declined to be interviewed. He rarely talks publicly, but when he
does, he usually tells his family's rags-to-riches story.
His father, Heman, opened a mule-and-wagon coal mine
in 1935 in the hills outside Birmingham. He had four employees —
three of them his sons — and in 1943, he had to borrow $300 to stay
afloat, using his three mules as collateral.
By working hard, leasing some mineral-rich plots and
making shrewd use of technology, the Drummond family became rich.
In the 1990's, with forecasts that Alabama's coal
reserves would soon be depleted, the Drummonds looked to Colombia.
Some miners and others accused the company of
betraying its hometown because it closed several Alabama mines after
opening its Colombia operation. Drummond has invested more than $500
million in its Colombia mine.
"There's still a lot of worry about mines
closing," said Earl Hudson, as he was leaving Drummond's one
remaining Alabama mine, Shoal Creek, after finishing his 11 p.m.-to-7
a.m. shift underground.
Soon after Drummond opened its huge La Loma mine in
northern Colombia in 1994, it was caught up in the country's civil
war. Two years ago, the largest rebel group, the Revolutionary Armed
Forces of Colombia, kidnapped four Drummond workers for ransom but
eventually released them. Company officials say they have refused the
rebels' extortion demands.
The rebels have also bombed Drummond's coal trains.
Last March, when the mine was in a bitter dispute
with its union, the union's president, Valmore Lacarno Rodríguez, and
its vice president, Víctor Hugo Orcasita Amaya, were assassinated.
The recent lawsuit, brought under the Alien Tort
Claims Act, contends that several paramilitary gunmen stopped a
company bus carrying miners back to their villages and ordered Mr.
Lacarno and Mr. Orcasita off.
"Several witnesses heard the paramilitaries say
that they were there to settle a dispute that Lacarno and Orcasita had
with Drummond," the lawsuit said.
Fearing assassination, Mr. Lacarno and Mr. Orcasita
had asked the company to let them sleep at the mine. Drummond
officials refused, correspondence cited in the lawsuit indicates.
Last October, seven months after the two officials
were killed, Gustavo Soler Mora, the new president of the union at
Drummond's mine, was ordered off a bus by gunmen. Farmers later found
his body. He had been shot twice in the head.
To protect its mines and workers, Drummond asked the
Colombian military for help. But Human Rights Watch contends that many
members of the military cooperate closely with paramilitary groups.
"Drummond could have stopped these
assassinations, but they chose not to," Francisco Ramírez,
secretary of the Colombia Federation of Mine Workers, said in a
telephone interview. "We've brought suit in the United States as
a last resort because there is no punishment in Colombia against those
who commit crimes against union leaders."
Many of the Drummond workers in Alabama, members of
Local 1948 of the United Mine Workers, say Drummond is a good
employer, and they voice sympathy for the dead men. Some do not know
what to make of the suit.
Fred England, an electrician at Drummond's Shoal
Creek mine, said, "You don't know what to believe."